The History and Evolution of Aphantasia: From Galton to Modern Research
Published 15th Jan 2025
By Helena Ghuman
Published 15th Jan 2025
By Helena Ghuman
The Lions' Court at Buda Castle–a crossroads of history, discovery, and art–mirrors the journey of exploring aphantasia, a cognitive experience only recently brought to light.
The formal recognition of aphantasia in 2015 was a pivotal moment in our understanding of mental imagery, though the phenomenon has intrigued scientists for nearly 150 years. From 19th-century studies exploring the vividness of the mind’s eye to today’s groundbreaking research, aphantasia highlights how much remains to be discovered about the human mind and the unique ways we each experience the world.
Aphantasia is the inability to form voluntary mental images. It is best understood as a unique cognitive experience rather than a mental disorder, condition, or impairment. While it can affect memory, creativity, reading and dreaming, individuals with aphantasia (often called ‘aphants’) excel in many creative and intellectual pursuits. In fact, most people don’t even realise they have a differing cognitive experience until they stumble across an article or discussion about it.
In 1880, Francis Galton conducted a study on the “Statistics of Mental Imagery,” where participants were asked to picture their breakfast table. His findings revealed a wide spectrum of vividness in mental imagery, and Galton was astonished to discover that some participants reported no imagery at all. He also noted that vivid mental imagery was more common in poets and artists, while scientists and mathematicians often had weaker or absent imagery. Interestingly, according to his findings, women reported more vivid imagery than men. Galton’s study laid the groundwork for recognising individual differences in cognition and understanding that mental imagery is not a universal experience.
For much of the 20th century, mental imagery research focused on general visualisation capabilities, with occasional mentions of imagery deficits. Titchener emphasised introspection as a method to study individual differences in mental imagery, laying the groundwork for future research into subjective cognitive experiences. However, the rise of behaviourism, which viewed the study of subjective experiences as unscientific, led to a hiatus in research on mental imagery between the 1920s and 1950s.
From the late 1950s to 1970s, the cognitive revolution shifted focus back to studying mental processes:
In 1971, Shepard and Metzler demonstrated that mental imagery could be scientifically studied by linking mental manipulation of imagery to physical spatial reasoning.
In 1971, Paivio’s dual-coding theory proposed that humans process information through verbal and visual systems, highlighting how mental imagery can play a significant role in cognition and learning.
Kosslyn’s research in the 1970s and 1980s explored how people ‘see’ in their mind’s eye. He found that mental imagery activates brain regions involved in actual visual perception. Pylyshyn countered this with his propositional approach (1973), that mental imagery is in the form of abstract descriptions (rather than a truly visual picture in the mind). The debate, though unresolved, highlighted individual differences in mental imagery capabilities.
Several case studies of patients with brain injuries from the 1980s and 1990s revealed that specific types of brain damage could impair mental imagery, shedding light on the neurological basis of visualisation:
Farah studied patients with damage to the visual cortex or surrounding areas and observed deficits in spatial and visual reasoning, supporting the hypothesis that mental imagery relies on the same neural pathways as vision.
Goldenberg et al. (1995) found that patients with posterior cortical damage could retain visual perception but lost the ability to form mental imagery, suggesting that mental imagery is a distinct cognitive function.
Levine et al. (1985) examined the connection between memory and visualisation, noting that patients often retained non-visual memories even when their visual memory was impaired.
Kosslyn (1980) proposed a theoretical explanation for these findings with the concept of a ‘visual buffer’ in the visual cortex, where images are temporarily held and manipulated during visualisation.
1973: David Marks developed the Vividness of Visual Imagery Questionnaire (VVIQ) which is now widely used in aphantasia research.
Advances in neuroimaging, like fMRI, allowed researchers to study mental imagery in greater detail.
Joel Pearson used innovative methods to objectively measure mental imagery, without reliance on introspection and self-reports. For instance, he conducted experiments which connected binocular rivalry with mental imagery, demonstrating that people with aphantasia showed no visual interference when imagining images (unlike those with typical mental imagery).
2015: Adam Zeman from the University of Exeter Medical School coined the term aphantasia after studying patient MX in 2009, a man who lost his ability to visualise after heart surgery. An fMRI scan of MX’s brain was conducted while he attempted to imagine various objects. The results revealed reduced brain activity in the frontal and visual cortices (regions typically associated with visual imagery). In Zeman’s subsequent paper, Lives Without Imagery, he formalised aphantasia as a specific phenomenon described as ‘the inability to voluntarily summon mental images’.
2016: Blake Ross, co-creator of Mozilla Firefox, shared his experience with aphantasia in a viral and highly entertaining Facebook post. "Nearly all of you have a canvas. I don’t. I’ve never visualised anything in my entire life." This resonated with many, sparking widespread awareness of this unique cognitive experience and the growth of online communities dedicated to aphantasia.
2018-2020: Research expanded significantly, including studies which explored memory, creativity, and the continuum of visualisation abilities:
Pearson’s team identified a spectrum of mental imagery, with aphantasia at one extreme and hyperphantasia (exceptionally vivid mental imagery) at the other.
Zeman et al. studied memory differences, finding that aphants tend to rely on semantic memory (facts) over episodic memory (visual or emotional recollections).
Dawes et al. explored the emotional and creative impact of aphantasia, revealing that while aphants may struggle with tasks requiring visualisation, their creativity thrives in conceptual and logical domains.
In the past few years, researchers have delved into aphantasia’s broader implications, examining its impact on daily life, career choices, relationships, emotions, and dreams. Studies by Pearson and others have shown that many aphants report dreamless sleep or non-visual dreams, highlighting the diversity of cognitive experiences.
A 2025 study by Chang, Shuai et al. challenges prior theories about the absence of visual processing in those with aphantasia. Using advanced neuroimaging techniques, the researchers found that the primary visual cortex showed activity when individuals attempted mental imagery. Remarkably, algorithms analysing this brain activity could even detect image-specific representations, suggesting that visual information is still being processed on a subconscious level but can't be accessed and seen by the conscious brain. As Pearson put it, it's as if the brain does the maths but skips the final step of projecting the result on a screen.
Reading with aphantasia is a unique experience for each aphant. Many readers rely on mental imagery to visualise scenes, characters, and events, which enhances comprehension and engagement. For individuals with aphantasia, this process differs significantly:
Reduced Visualisation: Aphants may find it harder to imagine settings or characters described in detail. This can affect their emotional engagement with descriptive or narrative texts.
Semantic vs Episodic Processing: As mentioned earlier, Zeman’s research suggests that aphants rely more on semantic memory (facts and concepts) than episodic memory (visual and emotional recall). When reading, this means they often focus on the logical structure or thematic elements of a story.
Preferences: Anecdotal evidence indicates that many aphants prefer non-fiction, conceptually-rich texts, or external aids like audiobooks and graphic novels which can enhance engagement with auditory and visual cues.
Pearson’s research demonstrated how visualisation supports memory and comprehension during reading. Aphants, who lack this ability, often rely on alternative cognitive strategies to engage with texts.
Studies by Dawes et al. (2020) revealed that aphants’ often excel in abstract or logical thinking, suggesting unique strengths in how they approach reading and process information.
A 2023 study found that aphants may struggle to mentally simulate actions described in text (e.g. imagining the motion behind phrases like ‘he kicked the ball’). This highlighted how visual and motor simulations often support comprehension and connection with such texts, suggesting that action-heavy language may feel less immersive for people with aphantasia and lead to reliance on alternative cognitive strategies.
As awareness of aphantasia grows, we can look forward to more research in key areas of interest including:
Neurobiological Underpinnings: Understanding the genetic and neurological basis of aphantasia to uncover its developmental origins.
Educational and Therapeutic Applications: Developing inclusive teaching methods and strategies to support diverse cognitive profiles.
Daily Life and Creativity: Examining how aphantasia influences career choices, relationships, and creative pursuits.
This emerging field of research not only deepens our understanding of the mind but also celebrates the diversity of cognitive experiences that make us uniquely human.